An aerial view (from Apple Maps) of a solar farm in Wading River, NY.
When I started The Measure four years ago, I described it as a
blog about energy and global warming. You can’t talk about climate
change and global warming without also discussing energy and how to
generate it more cleanly. A big part of the resistance to taking
action against global warming comes from discomfort with changing how
we’ve turned on the lights and transported ourselves for many
decades. Usually, the discomfort is directed in particular at the
cost involved in switching to greener energy. Will we pay dearly to
change all of our energy over to clean sources, to the point that the
cost of dealing with the warming will seem trivial in comparison?
Given the inevitable flooding, the increases in frequency and
intensity of major weather-related events, and above all the
subsequent human displacement and the political consequences, I
personally think it’s more than clear enough that the cost of
accepting climate change is unacceptably high. And the cost will
just keep rising the longer we continue to do basically nothing to
rein global warming in. Plenty of reasonable people are not
convinced, however, so it’s still important to consider the costs
of a massive transition of our energy production.
One part of this
cost comes from the closing of coal- and gas-fired power plants
before the end of their operational lifetime. Power companies invest
in new construction at a considerable expense, under the assumption
that the cost will pay for itself over the long term. And these
companies have continued to invest in fossil fuel infrastructure,
despite being fully aware of the consequences. Entirely moving away
from electricity generation from fossil fuels by 2035, as President
Biden has set as a goal, will require some early
closures and
the stranding of some assets.
The good news is that the
closures
would affect a minority of the existing power infrastructure.
Based
on an article written for
Science
in December
by
Dr. Emily Grubert of the School of Civil and Environmental
Engineering at Georgia Tech, “a
2035 deadline for completely retiring fossil-based electricity
generators would strand only about 15% (1700 GW-years) of fossil
fuel–fired capacity life, alongside about 20% (380,000 job-years)
of direct power plant and fuel extraction jobs remaining as of 2018.”
The
main reason for that is that 73% of existing fossil fuel generators
will reach the end of their expected lifetime before 2035. In
terms of dollars, Grubert
(through personal communication) suggested a very rough estimate of
between
$200
billion and $400 billion in
terms of stranded assets.
That’s
not a
small hit,
but it
is smaller than the cost
of the COVID-19 relief packages. Plus,
the cost would
be spread out over more
than a decade.
I have heard arguments against the federal government bailing out
utilities for stranded assets, most notably in Leah Cardamore Stokes’
excellent book Short
Circuiting Policy,
which chronicles the efforts of utilities and special interest groups
to thwart policy changes designed to promote clean energy. But I
also think that Stokes’ analysis makes it clear that power
providers need to be on board with a clean energy transition for it
to have any chance of happening.
So
unless you can replace the existing power providers, you need to find
a way to work with them.
Implementing
major
changes
in
our energy infrastructure will
also
cause short-term hardship for a lot of people, and that makes it a
very tough sell. Dr.
Grubert’s
article
talks
about a just transition, where the needs of people whose lives will
be disrupted are met. (The
term “just transition” was first popularized by the labor
movement over twenty years ago, and is part of the various
manifestations of the Green New Deal.) Mitigating
the disruption will first
require
establishing
a detailed timeline, so that affected
people and communities will
know when the change is coming. Having
time to respond will make it easier for communities to make not only
their needs known, but get those needs met.
This
is
something
that has not been done with past closures of plants, especially when
the reasons for closing the plant have been economic rather than
environmental. For example, a 2017 article in The Guardian about the closing of a
coal plant in Australia talks about how workers and communities have
had
an average of four months to prepare for the loss of their jobs when
Australian plants closed. This amount
of time is
unacceptably short,
but
a properly considered phaseout
would
not
impose
such
abrupt
transitions on people. Biden’s
predecessor in the White House made
a habit of
telling coal miners what they wanted
to hear.
That got him significant votes in battleground states, and those
votes mattered in 2016. But hopefully people whose jobs and towns
have depended
to this point
the fossil fuel industry will appreciate that honesty will benefit
them a lot more in the long run than empty promises.
One
thing the
current administration could do to
assist
affected communities
and workers
would
be to ensure that they reap
benefits from the clean energy transition. These
benefits could include
preferential treatment of affected communities in the location of new
clean-energy plants, and of
affected
workers in
the availability of and training for new jobs in clean energy. The
2020 U.S. Energy and Employment Report, put together by The National
Association of State Energy Officials (NASEO) and the Energy Futures
Initiative (EFI), states that solar employed 248,000 Americans last
year and wind employed 114,800. By contrast, the coal industry
employs 185,689 Americans, which is already less than solar and
down 5.9% from 2019.
Natural gas employs 636,042 total, less
than twice the amount of labor employed by solar and wind while
accounting for roughly four times the present power production. In
other words, solar and wind are more labor intensive than gas for the
amount of energy produced. So
there’s plenty
of
reason to think that an increase in solar and wind generation
at the expense of coal and gas will
result
in a net increase in
available jobs,
not a decrease.
Transitioning
to clean power generation over the next decade and a half will be
difficult, but the difficulties are ultimately a function of politics
much more than they are a function of logistics. As I’ve already
said in a previous post, a large amount of salesmanship will be
required to make it happen. I can only hope the Biden
Administration
is up to it. The alternative is a choice in 2024 between ineffectual
lip service on
one hand,
or
a return to
a boldly blind embrace of the harmful status quo on the other.